Yes, Madame,
Yes!
Unexamined (even
unaware) selves, disdain, and unconcern: We modern-day Romans are following the
cut-out pattern to civilizational doom near perfectly. Add to the irony that our general underlying
system’s yearnings, like Rome’s, will likely survive us. Rome was gone many, many scores of years, but
still the peoples of Europe longed for all that it had been—even for its
return---and tried to incorporate many elements into their own societies.
But when Rome
in the West was gone, it was gone. It
wasn’t coming back. Utter dissolution and dissolving of its people ensured
that. Don’t expect to go to Rome today
and find anyone who actually has the characteristics of those on the busts in
the museums.
But then
again, as you and Hedges intimate, narcissists and sociopaths tend to
self-destruct, don’t they?
As Hedges so
glumly has to tell us, our march of folly and rise of the corporatist state was
warned about—even predicted with remarkable accuracy at times—by a number of
people (he lists them on p. 146). “This
generation of writers remembered what had been lost. They saw the intrinsic values that were being
dismantled. The culture they sought to protect has largely been
obliterated. During the descent, our
media and universities, extension of corporate and mass culture, proved intellectually
and morally useless.” We instead bought—lock, stock, and nearly every bit of
the barrel---“the idea that all change was a form of progress.” (146)
Sheldon Wolin,
in his book, Democracy Incorporated,
described our system of true power in America as inverted totalitarianism.
That is, not one centered on some popular leader or celebrity, but an anonymous
corporate state. A structure that “purports
to cherish democracy, patriotism, and the Constitution while manipulating
internal levers to subvert and thwart democratic institutions.” Sure, the candidates of the political system are elected by the votes of citizens (those that 1) clear the
hurdles to vote, and 2) actually find the time and desire to do so), but the
candidates are beholden to corporations and billionaires for the funds to
compete. And these are waiting with
lobbyists to dictate to the elected what WILL be legislated. The corporate media—that controls the vast
majority of what we see or hear, and certainly shade any discussions—will hardly
remark on this phenomenon, and even when they do, will imply that nothing can
be done about it. Then they will move on
to the latest non-issue and celebrity meaninglessness. (146)
In this
inverted totalitarianism, economics controls the political system. The public is manipulated rather than engaged
in policy discussions of significance.
What few “discussions” that take place are shouting matches and political
jockeying for advantage, not an earnest process for true consensus and best
solutions. The power of the state is
used to silence or enfeeble most opposition that could seriously challenge the
inversion.
And military
intervention and war—once a subject so serious it brought shudders to both
statesmen and the everyday citizen—becomes casual. And these are wars essentially initiated by
us, the “democracy” that the system feeds its 1984ish Proles the propaganda that we want peace while the rest of
the world apparently only wants to force us into war. War is not only profitable business, but it
weakens the power of the federal government to take action against corporate
and plutocratic power.
Fortunately, a
still large portion of the population refuses to take war so lightly. We will see if they can make their voices
heard AND felt.
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