Wednesday, August 8, 2012

Let's Define Well Informed

Oh, dearest Professor J,

You make me laugh! A year wasn't enough? As to your guesses: 1) yes, 2) no, 3) maybe. I'm perfectly happy to let you have the last word on the book. :) We both know many of these topics will resurface from time to time.

We have an information problem in this country. Crazy, right? I mean all we get is information streaming non stop to our computers, televisions, phones, car radios. We should be very well informed. But a funny thing happened on the way to the public forum. Viewers and listeners began to strain out the the opposing opinion. It is now possible to get your news slanted exactly to your taste, which means being really informed is actually harder than ever. It is a lot of work to sort out truth in the midst of all the noise. On top of all that I still find myself fact checking things I hear, thanks to our new troubling brand of journalism where politicians want quote approval power before stories are published or aired.

In the aftermath of the Chick fil a dust up I heard a lot of Christians wonder aloud why Cathy's free speech had been labeled hate and why people who don't embrace the idea of gay marriage had been labeled as "haters." Well it does seem like you should be able to say you disagree with the idea of redefining marriage without necessarily having it come from a place of hate  (No one ever seems to ask why the state is in the business of sanctioning relationships, but that's another blog post).  The gay community can't really be against free speech, so what was going on here? My theory is that it has something to do with the video of a pastor suggesting concentration camps for gays and lesbians back in May. It reeks of "final solution" thinking. The video went viral among the gay community on Facebook and Twitter.  It was with this image of Christianity fresh in their minds they heard Cathy's comments. In that context the emotional reaction is more understandable. The problem is that people who have no gay friends in their social networking tribe, or who aren't real news junkies were likely to have missed the story.

We used to all watch the same news and the same TV programs for the most part. Now the idea that we are all getting the same news presented in the same unbiased way is a fantasy. You can pick the slant you want and if you don't like the facts being presented you can just change the channel. We are increasingly polarized. This fortifying our entrenched thinking and sandbagging our thoughts against any opposing view, this growing inability to listen is dangerous. It happens across racial, party, and religious lines. You can now lose an election because you sponsored a piece of bipartisan legislation or made a public service announcement with a member of the other party.

Just how bad is it? You have probably seen this chart:



While I was fretting about this yesterday and wondering if the rational center (nonexistent on this graph ) is going to become a "no man's land" I happened upon a little glimmer of hope. No Labels: Stop Fighting. Start Fixing.




Surely there have to be some things we could all agree on. We all pretty much agree congress is doing a lousy job (the most recent approval rating poll puts it at 17%), so maybe we could all start here. We have all these wondrous miracles of communication at our fingertips. We can connect and share in the blink of an eye. Can't we figure out how to get together at our shiny new techno-water cooler and do a little problem solving?

I think the No Labels campaign looks like a great place to start. But you, I suspect, might like to quibble? :)

Sunday, August 5, 2012

The Rite To Vote


Madame M:

I’m guessing that Madame either 1) agrees with me, 2) finds it daunting, or 3) has been worn out by me, and so not responding to anything of my 3 closing posts on Hedges’ book. 

Very well.  “Last” word mine on that! :)  Or maybe Madame just is clever enough to be able to select the next topic! LOL

We have, as you relate in your post, undermined community in voting.  We don’t make it overall a connected, vibrant, exciting experience.  Our hyper-individualist, overworked, overtasked, society, coupled with the overburdened nuclear family, don’t make it all that easy to vote either.  We, as workplaces and society, and often as individuals, don’t carve out a sacred place to vote. 

Some of that deficiency is byproduct, some is thoughtlessness, some is desired (by those who benefit from it).

I would agree with you that the lack of voter ID should seem too lax, and combined with the fact that voter rolls are often deeply inaccurate, things should be ripe for the kind of fraud that occurred regularly in the 1800s and well into the 1900s.  But this intuitive fear would not match reality.  The Bush administration spent $70 million dollars looking for voter fraud and found next to none (and fired several prosecutors who refused to go along with wasting scarce resources when they knew there wasn’t a problem).  What was discovered instead by this and other investigations is that error, loss, and fraud is probably taking place at a dwarfingly higher rate with the electronic counting machines than any voter fraud (only a few instances of—in the entire country—that were found that MIGHT have been deliberate, and this out of just under the several dozen that occurred in TOTAL).   More chilling in its implications for our democracy is that the machines are supplied and controlled by, yes, certain private corporations.  Another public function, one for the public good, yet turned over to private interests. 

Juvenal once asked “who guards the guardians?”  Our question might be, “who counts the counters?”   In the days before all these counting machines, there were housewives and retired folks who did it out of a sense of service and community, and the votes were triply counted by members of each party as well (at least in the districts not completely dominated by party or corruption).   The reader will not be comforted to find that no such process usually exists where electronic machines are concerned.

Efforts to subtly (and sometimes not so subtly) disenfranchise voters are more common.  Even today, incredibly (I have been a Federal observer in elections), attempts—even blatant ones!—occur to prevent voting, discard people’s votes, make it difficult to vote, etc.  And not just for ethnic and racial reasons, but for party or extended personal reasons.  I have watched voters being told they weren’t registered, or weren’t registered properly, and being turned away, or told to go somewhere else far away and inconvenient, etc.  Even when they presented ID and registration, it didn’t help their situation.  Others were allowed to vote a “provisional” ballot, which was supposedly going to be tallied sometime (many weeks) in the future after the right to vote was supposedly authenticated.  According to a League of Women’s Voters person I talked to, it was a very delayed and inscrutable process, with the “results” often either never reported, or reported long after the election had been “decided.”

And this doesn’t even get into how difficult many states make it to register to vote, and especially how difficult they make it for some groups of people to register.  There is sinister intent in many of those cases.  And once again, we look idiotic, corrupt, and hypocritical even to many of our friends across the oceans.  Friends who offered to supply  unbiased monitors  to help us ensure our elections are fair across the board.   I don’t have to tell you how the howl meter went off the scale after hearing that offer.  And despite our sending monitors—and even more frequently strongly offering to do so—all over the world to monitor elections, we couldn’t hold ourselves to the same standard.  We don’t have a problem telling other people how they should do things—even think it’s proper and logical that they should follow what we say—but, as happens so often, our own actions belie our words.

Yes, all those things you list probably play a part in our low voter turnout.  It may also be that, at some instinctive level, they feel it doesn’t matter.  Like the old Soviet elections where each of the “candidates” had been selected by the Party, maybe they feel that, in a way, it’s not much different here.  Only this time, another P word does the selecting—Plutocracy.

Thursday, August 2, 2012

Primarily Empty

Professor J,

Today is primary/local election day in my area. I'd like to say that I carefully timed my trip to my polling place to avoid the crowd. I knew better. I had no trouble finding a place to park and the small number of voters, equal to the number of poll workers (four) made the space inside the community center feel cavernous. A few things have changed since my first election. The process is streamlined. Of course it also eliminates the community chit chat that used to take place while a wrinkly finger scanned down the page, located your name, confirmed your address and told you how many of your neighbors she'd already seen today. No need for that; in our new age of connectivity, I'd already seen their "I voted" status updates.

On the wall was a list of all the people in our precinct who had early voted. County wide it totaled over 300,000. That's 60% more than in 2008. People love it. Early voting has several benefits in that it goes on for several days, and you can vote an any polling station and not just in your specific precinct. I did it two years ago. I had to stand in a fairly long line that day, in stark contrast to today's experience. I found I didn't really like it.

Something is missing, the feeling of community that standing in line with your neighbors brings on Election Day. Because it allows for a county full of folks to run into polling places all over town you are unlikely to run into anyone you know. There is something reassuring and rewarding about waiting around with the people you see at the grocery or in line at the post office to do your civic duty. I miss standing next to the WWII veterans (so rare now compared to that chilly November when I voted in my first election under their watchful eye) who made it possible for all of us.  I miss the  man or woman in uniform, a silent reminder that all our liberties have been paid for by others.  I miss chatting with the 18 yr. old who is excited to be voting for the first time. I miss the small talk and catching up that takes place, finding out who just had a baby, or who bought the house down the street.  It used to be nice to wait with my fellow voters, engaging in idle conversation and knowing they were going to cancel out my vote, or I theirs, and joking about it. I think it helped. I think it helped to see that the people with different ideas on what's wrong and how to fix it were people that I liked.  They were so very different than the people I see now screaming at each other on cable news.

 The other big change is that Tennessee is among those states now requiring a photo ID in order to vote. (Oh good, another chance to drag out that photo.) In our state this requirement became law over a year ago so people have had lots of time to become informed of the change and there are plenty of exceptions to the rule. Just today, closing arguments were wrapped up in a week long hearing over Pennsylvania's controversial voter ID law. For many low income voters it presents an extra hoop to jump through and it may keep many elderly voters from going to the extra trouble. It kept my mom and mother-in-law from voting today.  I was surprised however to find out how many states have no voter ID requirements. If the valid photo ID seems too strict, the lack of requirement seems too lax to me.



Strict Photo Photo Non-Photo No Voter ID Law



Part of the conversation I overheard while I was bemoaning my choices on the the touch screen, was about how sad the low voter turnout was and the lack of young people showing up at the polls. I wondered about how disillusioned and jaded lots of 18-30 yr. olds would be growing up in our recent political climate. Voter turn out fell off 60% from '08 to '10.  But then presidential elections are sexy in a way that electing members of the school board or voting on a sales tax referendum isn't. I also wonder, as I'm sure you do, how much a lack of adequate history, civics, and economics education has to do with our inability to inspire people to participate.

Whenever I stroll into my polling place I remember a photo I saw in the paper many years ago. It was of a man in some emerging third world democracy, crawling on his stomach and dodging gunfire. He was trying to get to the place where he could cast his vote. I thought of him today when as I was turning in my electronic voter card the woman stuck an "I voted today" sticker on my dress.

"We need the publicity." she said.

Tuesday, July 31, 2012

"Ill US" Are The First Five Letters Of Illusion


Is this book apocalyptic leftist political literature?  Maybe, but critics usually have little retort to its presented facts.  Just a general “it will work out” or “it’s not that bad,” which is more positive thinking self-delusion that Hedges in print screams trying to get us to see!

Cover your ears if you want, and/or peek out through your fingers.  The doc here is going to get a bit raw.

Simply stated:  The world is waiting for us to get our heads out of our asses.

The average American appears unaware and unconcerned that much of the world is waiting, with incredulous disbelief, frustration, and occasional anger, for us to get our crap together.   Now, globalization takes a bad, and often deserved, rap from those on the left.  But globalization has brought incredible benefit to the world.  Has made the world a safer place, because that world wants to be part of the greater whole, wants to be connected, wants to be part of humanity’s progress.

And we, the drivers and originators, are blowing it.  How bitterly ironic that at a time of so much promise, so many great tools with great potential, so much desire by peoples to be a global village, and we are blowing it so bad they may never see fruition.

Do other countries and other peoples have issues and challenges they need to overcome? Yes, a massive pile of them.   THEIR energy is often poised to try to overcome challenges, however.  But where is the supposed leader of the world?  Where is the central piecemaker?  (yes, reader, I meant to say it like that)

We’re checked out, that’s where.  Living in illusion and denial.  Selfish, diverted, petty, denial, delusion and illusion.

If Hedges is right, and I hope he isn’t, all those things mean we secretly long for annihilation, and are only too glad to see it helped along by “a moral decline into hedonism and giddy, communal madness.” (189)  The reader can decide for him or herself whether we are near that point.  I would argue it isn’t giddy.

Hedges, echoing Toynbee, lists once powerful civilizations—Egypt, Persia, the Maya, Rome, Byzantium, Mughal and Ottoman empires, as well as Chinese kingdoms and even dynasties.   The common thread of their fall?  “They all, at a certain point, were taken over by a bankrupt and corrupt elite.  This elite, squandering resources and pillaging the state, was no longer able to muster internal allegiance and cohesiveness.  These empires died morally.  The leaders, in the final period of decay, increasingly had to rely on armed mercenaries, as we do in Iraq and Afghanistan, because citizens would no longer serve in the military.  They descended into orgies of self-indulgence, surrendered their civic and emotional lives to the glitter, excitement, and spectacle of the arena, became politically apathetic, and collapsed.” (189) 

I am sure it is not hard for the reader to make comparisons.  The elites—all of them—actively (many), passively (most), or with laughably feeble resistance (by the few), are dragging you to your civilization’s doom.   As Hedges has said elsewhere, they are “supranational parasitic puppeteers consuming the host-state.”  The past is indeed littered with the wreckage of the arrogant who believed that somehow it would all work out.  Get ready, History.  More wreckage coming your way unless these people who will be known as Americans (like another people were known as Romans) decide to change their course.

We cling, Hedges says, to the illusions (even if some might have one time been at least partial truths) that lull us with falsely reassuring comfort.   “And the lonely Cassandras who speak the truth about our misguided imperial wars, the economic meltdown, or the imminent danger of multiple pollutions and soaring overpopulation, are drowned out by arenas full of chanting fans” of whatever flavor of spectacle and illusion we prefer (college gladiator sports, concerts, prosperity gospels, “moral” crusades, vacuous celebrities,  meaningless citizen “competitions,” etc.).  (190)

Romans too spent their energies on the games, when they needed to address the problems of their society.  Where are the Romans today (anyone irritated yet at that question? Good!).  We are a bunch of arrogant, selfish, pricks, because we are knowingly preventing our descendants—our children and our children’s children and beyond—from having a worthwhile chance, all because we can’t be bothered.  If I were them, I would dig up our graves, strip of everything, and toss our embalmed mummified corpses into a giant lime pit.  Hell, that’s the BEST our memory would deserve.  And yet we have the colossal gall to supposedly revere our own Framers, who thought of the future and the common good, of posterity.

If we are going to ignore our problems, condemn our future, and sentence our descendants, we owe it to them to write them a letter and sign it saying that’s what we’re doing.  Better yet, make a video so they can see the faces and hear the voices of their despised ancestors who sentenced them to so much misery.

Confronting reality does not apparently appeal to us Americans, a people that once prided themselves on their pragmatism and courage (as did the Romans).   “The worse reality becomes, the less a beleaguered population wants to hear about it, and the more it distracts itself with squalid pseudo-events of celebrity breakdowns, gossip, and trivia.  These are the debauched revels of a dying civilization.  The most ominous divide lies between those who chase after these manufactured illusions and those who are able to puncture the illusion and confront reality.  More than the divides of race, class, or gender, more than rural or urban, believer or nonbeliever, red state, or blue state, our culture has been carved up into radically distinct, unbridgeable, and antagonistic entities that no longer speak the same language and cannot communicate.  This is the divide between a literate, marginalized minority and those who have been consumed by an illiterate mass culture.” (190)

We embrace what any observer outside our culture would say is delusion.  Our quality of living and our sense of community declines, our jobs disappear, wealth disparity reaches feudal proportions, our elections become purchased business transactions, we sacrifice our principles in the waging of endless conflicts (that we say we didn’t initiate), we pollute ourselves, both personally and societally and environmentally.  And yet we say we are the greatest and freest country on earth, with a vibrant middle class, and that we stand for what’s right.

“The world that awaits us will be painful and difficult. We will be dragged back to realism, to the understanding that we cannot mold and shape reality to human desires, or we will slide into despotism.  We will learn to adjust our lifestyles radically, to cope with diminished resources, environmental damage, and a contracting economy, as well as our decline as a military power, or we will die clinging to our illusions.  These are the stark choices before us.” (190-191)  Economics and Mother Nature will give us our harsh, just desserts.  They will also end the delusive and illusive states we have presently chosen, and we will wail and gnash our teeth in our misery.

Even if we fail to turn back the tsunami, Hedges says, even if we become economically and politically crushed, there will be hope, and he’s right on that at least.  Because “no tyranny in history has crushed the human capacity for love [Prof’s Note: possibly because it transcends this existence].  And this love—unorganized, irrational, often propelling us to carry out acts of compassion that jeopardize our existence—is deeply subversive to those in power.  Love, which appears in small, blind acts of kindness, manifested itself even in the horror of the Nazi death camps, in the killing fields of Cambodia, in the Soviet gulags, and in the genocides in the Balkans and Rwanda.” (191)  Love cares nothing for revenge, greed, fame, power, or any illusion.  

Even “great” and mortally powerful dictators are only here for a small bit of eternity.  Their power is mortal, their reach limited, their legacies fleeting.  As mere mortals, what else could they be?  A people may fade when too many of them cast out love, but love itself endures.  The earthly powerful seek to silence those who lead authentic lives, who see reality, who embrace love and truth.  Yet always these voices “rise in magnificent defiance.  All ages, all cultures, and all religions produce those who challenge the oppressor and fight for the oppressed.” (192)

Hedges points out that we may worship at the foot of the altar of militarism, blind obedience, selfishness, and power, but those things will be forgotten by the better human natures that will follow in our wake.  Art and philosophy and the humanities will be valued once more.  We will sacrifice for each other again rather than seek only to exploit.  We will revere nature and not excessively elevate our place in it.   

I write these words to call you to avert the dissolute path we are on.  Love will return, will triumph again.  With or without us Americans.  I want it to be with.

BUY THIS BOOK.  Read it.  Read it again. Re-read it.  Dog-ear it.  Make notes on it.  Think about it.  Dispute it, if you can.  That a book like this is published, advertised, and read by some is hope in itself.

Just don’t ignore it.  For that will mean the title is completely true.

Monday, July 30, 2012

Worst Case Scenario Girl? Meet Perfectly Plausible Chris "Scary" Hedges


Brace for impact, reader.  Hedges doesn’t wear kid gloves, and you’re about to get walloped.

Inflation and other statistics in our society are manipulated and baldly changed in tracking and composition.  Why?  Because they can, and it serves the corporate elite.   By significant underreporting and misrepresentation, these false statistics greatly benefit corporations.  "An artificial inflation rate, one far lower than the real rate, keeps down equitable interest payments in bank accounts and certificates of deposit.  It masks the deterioration of the American economy. The fabricated statistics allow corporations and the corporate state to walk away from obligations tied to real adjustments for inflation.  These statistics mean that less is paid out in Social Security and pensions.  These statistics reduce the interest on the multitrillion-dollar debt.  Corporations never have to pay real cost-of-living increases to their employees.” (181)

“Financial collapses lead to political extremism. The rage bubbling up from our impoverished and disenfranchised working class presages a looming and dangerous right-wing backlash.” (182-183).  Too many have lost hope and live in fear.   The despair goes on, and becomes not just personal, but familial, even extended family, even throughout community and society.  They know those “good jobs” aren’t coming back.  They are ripe for manipulation by “demagogues and charlatans.” (183)  Do we not already see this?  And with much of the middle class embracing misdirected anger, the true originators of the impoverishment and negative change are not being focused on.  “And unless we rapidly re-enfranchise our dispossessed workers into the economy, unless we give them hope, our democracy is doomed.” (183)

Hedges is bringing so much to us in the final pages of this last chapter.  He quotes from the book Collapse, written by economist Jared Diamond.  Diamond “lists five factors that can lead to social decay, including a failure to understand and prevent causes of environmental damage; climate change; depredations by hostile neighbors; the inability of friendly neighbors to continue trade; and finally, how the society itself deals with the problems raised by the first four factors.  A common failing involved in the last item is the dislocation between the short-term interests of elites and the longer-term interests of the societies the elites dominate and exploit.” (183)

Hedges goes on to say that Diamond’s “last point is crucial.  Corruption, mismanagement, and political inertia by an elite, which is beyond the reach of the law, almost always result in widespread cynicism, disengagement, apathy, and finally rage.  Those who suffer the consequences of this mismanagement lose any loyalty to the nation and increasingly nurse fantasies of violent revenge.  The concept of the common good, mocked by the behavior of the privileged classes, disappears.  Nothing matters.  It is only about ‘Me.’” (183)

Whoa.  The illusion-shattering is becoming deafening, and the shards are everywhere.  Hedges thinks the American public will see this and grasp the abyss of how much betrayal and abuse our true rulers and their lackeys have visited upon us.  Will finally see that both the Democratic and Republican parties are near-automaton tools of the corporate state.  Will see a day when “savings accounts, college funds, and retirement plans become worthless,” will see unemployment go up markedly and home values plummet.  But, he believes, instead of the public realizing who the real enemy is, the anger and ignorance will combine to propel right-wing radicals, both the religious and a-religious kind, to the fore. (183) Some of this was seen in the Great Depression of the 1930s, but this time, the “center” is weak.  No wonder that Russian analyst a few years ago felt that America could come apart at the seams, become so radicalized and disunited that mass riots or even civil war were not unthinkable.

The crisis of faith in the robber/casino/criminal form of capitalism we have allowed to develop has been long coming—and long overdue.  Not just the idea of “unrestrained” (read, unregulated) markets needs thoroughly re-examined, but the traditional blind acceptance of the basic form of capitalism is also deeply flawed and in need of our critical thinking.  The capitalist ideology is unlimited growth (sometimes modified to mean only unlimited “development”), which by itself can be consuming, unsustainable, and self-defeating.  It reaches its utter absurdity when we pause to consider that the premise is UNLIMITED GROWTH IN A LIMITED SPACE (the Earth).   If we were rational and self-examining, we could have seen long ago that we would, sooner rather than later, run into walls, and maybe deplete the resource wells.  We long ago started using up resources past the replenishing point.  Whether it is fossil fuels, clean, fresh water, fish stocks, precious topsoil where we grow life, or any of a number of resource marks, we are staring catastrophe in the face.  Combine these with overpopulation and environmental change (see a concise but still lengthy list by Hedges on 185) and pollution, and we face resource famine.  And precisely because we have drained those resources far past the replenishing point, bouncing back won’t be easy—if it is possible for many of us at all. (184)

We combine this with more ingredients for catastrophic failure: colossal, unregulated international flows of capital from utterly greedy and self-serving manipulators and corporations who care nothing for how it affects the majority of the world’s people, and who are so reckless they are willing to risk train-wrecking the world financial system and ushering in the Mother of All Depressions;  unchanneled money that seeks and creates “bubbles” that rob middle class citizens of what wealth they thought they accumulated in stocks and homes and other “recommended” things; workers who are watching their wages being effectively ratcheted down to increase profits of money-mad corporations and uber-wealthy “owners” who surely own those workers in all but name; marked and growing inequality and the drying up of social movement or advancement; the corruption of the people’s supposed representatives and those “representatives” subservience to moneyed power; gargantuan-like excessive “defense” and “security” spending at a time when the world has rarely been systemically safer—and that every dollar so burned up is not available for the society, the infrastructure, the education, or the common good of its people; and borrowing, borrowing, borrowing, thoroughly unsustainable and irrational borrowing, like some crazily drunk giant gone berserk right before collapsing. (184)

Hedges tells us that Karl Polyani tried to warn us in 1944 in his seminal book The Great Transformation about blindly, foolishly trusting “the market” to “self-regulate.”  He had just watched the fascism that followed in the wake of dysfunctional or broken down market societies.  And “he warned that a financial system always devolved, without heavy government control, into a Mafia capitalism—and a Mafia political system—which is good description of our power elite.” (184)

Polyani also wrote that “self-regulation” of a “free” market means that human beings as well as nature itself become commodities to be ruthlessly exploited and used up, where the “market” determines their worth.  From this flows the destruction of both the “society and the natural environment.” (184)  Polyani, Hedges writes, cried out to “us that a society that no longer recognizes that nature and human life have a sacred dimension, an intrinsic worth beyond monetary value, ultimately commits collective suicide.  Such societies cannibalize themselves until they die.” (184)

“Those who run our corporate state have fought environmental regulation as tenaciously as they have fought financial regulation.  They are responsible, as Polyani predicted, for our personal impoverishment and the impoverishment of our ecosystem. We remain addicted, courtesy of the oil, gas, and automobile industries and a corporate-controlled government, to fossil fuels.” (185)  Not just temperature rise, but other things as well, may soon make huge portions of the world effectively uninhabitable.  The rest of humanity largely wants to, in varying degrees, tackle this civilization-threatening and maybe biosphere-threatening challenge head-on.   Who are the feet draggers?  Yes, US.

When we nearly melted the national and world economic system just a few years ago, how did we respond?  The corporate managers and government officials did the only things they knew how to do: pour massive amounts of money and resources into the financial sector whose criminality had caused it—the servants of the system know only how to manage and sustain the system; they have neither the will nor the ability to change it. (186)

The corporate powers of today move like their counterparts in Germany and Italy of the 1920s.  They push power and money to economic and social interest groups that serve them (now), and seek to weaken the state by dissolving the public interest and making everything presently public instead private, contracted out, or for sale.   Hedges says this sounds “depressingly familiar.” (186)  The reader can investigate for him or herself how corporations fed and fueled and aided and abetted the rise of the fascists of Germany and Italy.

The US working class has definitely become the lower class.  Their wages are going down in real dollars, and, though it was never a good thing to have to compensate by borrowing, their ability to borrow to keep up has now largely been removed from them.   Meanwhile, the wealthy corporations and plutocrats drain the state and national treasuries by their self-serving elite welfare, burden the society by using more of the roads, airways, court systems, etc., and yet maneuver to pay little for all those things.  By having their political servitors drive their taxes low, they have simultaneously underfunded and defunded the government, forcing massive borrowing in the people’s name. 

By driving up debt and starving the government for revenue, all while feeding themselves many tens and hundreds of billions in payments (whether military contractors, or security, or any number of private firms doing lucrative—and often corrupt—business with the government), they ensure the enfeeblement of what the Framers designed to be the people’s creature: the government.    “The government—the only institution citizens have that is big enough and powerful enough (Prof’s Note: As Teddy Roosevelt knew!) to protect their rights—is becoming weaker, more anemic, and increasingly unable to help the mass of Americans who are embarking on a period of deprivation and suffering unseen in this country since the 1930s.” (186)  To add searing insult to grievous injury, the people are even whipped up by the servitors of the corpocracy to fear and hate their government—the one entity they the people might use to rescue and free themselves.

Ralph Nader warns us how corrupt nearly everything connected with “high” finance has become.  And even if we had dedicated, incorruptible people in government to regulate it (hard to do when the knowledgeable ones almost all come from the diseased sector), the government doesn’t have the resources.  “’It doesn’t have a tenth of the prosecutors, the investigators, the auditors, the attorneys needed’” to deal with the criminal behavior of Wall Street, Nader says.  A Wall Street, if you’ll remember, that knew how so untouchable it was that it paid itself lucrative bonuses and retirement packages instead of reforming anything, indeed for even apologizing for vaporizing the wealth of millions of everyday citizens. (as listed in Hedges 186)

The modern feudal lords are fine with modern-day feudalism: “’Private police, gated communities, and serfs with a twenty-first century nomenclature,’” Nader says, are examples of the forming feudalism.  (Hedges 187)

All this borrowing to feed our criminal elites (and our illusions) can come to a forced end at any time.  Look up and witness the chilling words China gave the US Treasury Department during the financial crisis of 2008.  Hedges paints an equally cold picture for us: “The moment China, the oil-rich states, and other international investors stop buying U.S. Treasury Bonds, the dollar will become junk.  Inflation will rocket upward.  We will become Weimar Germany.  A furious and sustained backlash by a betrayed and angry populace, one unprepared intellectually and psychologically for collapse, will sweep aside the Democrats and most of the Republicans.  A cabal of proto-fascists, from Christian demagogues to simpletons like Sarah Palin to loudmouth talk-show hosts, will find a following with promises of revenge and moral renewal.  The elites, the ones with their Harvard Business School degrees and expensive vocabularies, will retreat into their sheltered enclaves of privilege and comfort.  We will be left bereft, abandoned outside the gates, and at the mercy of the security state.” (188)

If we, by our foolishness, selfishness, and refusal to face reality, make our currency of little value or even worthless, we will unravel it all.  “When money becomes worthless, so does government.  All traditional standards and beliefs are shattered in a severe economic crisis.  The moral order is turned upside down.  The honest and industrious are wiped out while the gangsters, profiteers, and speculators” win.  “An economic collapse does mean only the degradation of trade and commerce, food shortages, bankruptcies, and unemployment.  It also means the systematic dynamiting of the foundations of a society.” (188)

Hedges does not let us go.  Like the hero who makes the selfish, ignorant, coward look at what that coward has done, at the truth of it all, so does Hedges: “The free market and globalization, promised as routes to world-wide prosperity, have been exposed as two parts of a con game. But this exposure does not mean our corporate masters will disappear.  Totalitarianism, as George Orwell pointed out, is not so much an age of faith as an age of schizophrenia.  ‘A society becomes totalitarian when its structure becomes flagrantly artificial,’ Orwell wrote.  ‘That is when its ruling class has lost its function but succeeds in clinging to power by force or fraud.’ They have engaged in massive fraud.  Force is all they have left.” (Hedges 188)

While Hedges, writing in the immediate aftermath of the financial crisis, MAY have cast things too dark (hard to tell yet), and certain aspects of globalization have been positive, it is hard to ignore the overall theme.  He would classify the present period as a lull, nothing more.  “There are powerful corporate entities, fearful of losing their influence and wealth [Prof’s Note:  especially with ethnic and age demographics tilted against them], arrayed against us.  They are waiting for a moment to strike, a national crisis that will allow them, in the name of national security and moral renewal, to take complete control.  The tools are in place.  These antidemocratic forces, which will seek to make an alliance with the radical Christian right and other extremists, will use fear, chaos, the hatred for the ruling elites, and the specter of left-wing dissent and terrorism to impose draconian controls to extinguish our democracy.  And while they do it, they will be waving the American flag, chanting patriotic slogans, promising law and order, and clutching the Christian cross.  By then, exhausted and broken, we may have lost the power to resist.” (189)  And as you Madame, have pointed out, our enfeebling and energy sapping diets and lifestyle only depress this further.

Can this 236 year old marriage of the people and “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” be saved?  Hedges is giving us the counseling—and the warnings.  It is up to us to do the hard work.  It won’t come from being distracted by yet more diversions.  Diversions are tools used by our common adversaries.  Focus and dedication are your counter-tools.  But first you have to pick them up.

Sunday, July 29, 2012

Watch The Sand


Gentle Readers:

I have promised Madame to finish out my comments on this epically important book by August, so in a special installment set, today will be followed by another posting tomorrow, which will be followed by a Tuesday installment.

Let’s begin.  The thoroughly corrupt financial near meltdown of 2007-2009 was one indication.  The Bush administration’s lies overall and its USING the not unwilling press to promote going to war with Iraq on false pretenses  was another.  But both times the elite and the corporate media were ONE.  And there’s never any accountability, never a retraction or big apology.

The press, the government, the top corporations, and the plutocracy have become nearly inseparable, all serving the same ends.  Even so  called “liberal leaning” places like the New York Times often aren’t.   While  the corporate media does not much parrot the Corporate-Lite prattle of the Dems, it does the Corporate-Heavy  prattle of the Repubs. 

If we have little press that is looking out for the truth—or the relevant—another bulwark our Framers put in place to preserve our republic falls away.  The steady rise of corporate power, which has surged relatively unchecked for a long while—indeed has been fostered actively for the last 30-40 years—changes the very character of who and what we are as a nation.  We put “freedom” and “democracy” and “economic opportunity” as our supposed values, but our system makes a lie of them.  The Constitution becomes not just a speed bump for those running over us, but is twisted and used by the power elite, and we the people, in our ignorance of our own foundation document, are twisted into whatever emotional furor the plutocratic elite wants.

Those who hold faith in Democrats to change things are deluded.  Democrats are near-meaningless as a check on abusive power of the plutocracy.  Democrats may sometimes drag their feet against the ways of the plutocracy, but it is at most an occasional rear-guard temporary holding action before further retreat.  In essence, they are merely a slower route to complete plutocratic dominance than their party counterparts.  So Money dominates the Dems too, and in their defense, we the people have given them few options for it not to. 

FISA, as Hedges points out, was passed by a Democratic Congress.  It not only gives licenses to invasion of privacy, not only excuses all those who have stomped on our civil liberties, but actually criminalizes anyone who does the right thing and tells the public what is happening. (175-176)  And the cycle of control is complete because those patriots who look out for the right to privacy are labeled “leaking traitors,” with the people joining in on the condemnation.  It is an indignity and injustice even worse than the dark days of the woman’s suffrage movement, where marching women would be pelted and called “whores” by the very women they were marching to secure rights for.

Massive deregulation and elimination of anti-trust protection mean than we have little influence anymore.  Corporations have often swelled into massive entities of colossal power, and with few to no meaningful regulations on them, they do what they want.  Hedges quotes FDR, whose warning we heeded partially for a period, then forgot (a dooming trait of humanity, and Americans in particular):  “’The liberty of democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of power to the point where it becomes stronger than the democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is Fascism—ownership of the Government by an individual, by a group, or by any other controlling private power.’  It is also ‘not safe if its business system does not provide employment and produce and distribute goods in such a way to sustain an acceptable standard of living.’” (as quoted in Hedges 177)

Economic power and political power are linked.  We have a country and government (local, state, federal) “run by and on behalf of corporations.” (177)  These institutions are wily enough to prepare for the probable:  As “despair and impoverishment reach into larger and larger segments of the populace, the mechanisms of corporate and government control are being bolstered to prevent civil unrest and instability.” (177)

The atrophy and brittleness of the few tools of the people not completely rusted through and broken to pieces means a hard road.  Debt—of both citizens and their governments, along with many small and medium sized businesses—is ubiquitous and paralyzing.  And so we get no movement in a forward direction.  “There is no coherent and realistic plan, one built around our severe limitations, to sta(u)nch the bleeding or ameliorate the mounting deprivations we will suffer as citizens.  Contrast this with the national security state’s preparations to crush potential civil unrest and you get a glimpse of the future.” (178)  The Occupy movement, which was a gnat, got quite the overreaction from authorities, most especially when it got anywhere near—or demonstrated the potential—to being effective.

Americans have no idea of, or regard for, the implications of terrorism-hysteria, and general security hysteria, all fanned by the elite.  Such hysteria has allowed the Constitution to be trampled and subverted.  The government, by the legislation authorized by the people’s supposed representatives, and okayed by you the people in fear, has the power to seize ANY of you, hold you without charge, without legal representation, and “without access to the outside world.” (179)  In our general fear, we acquiesce to this perversion, even welcome it.  This has been a pattern in us, dating all the way back to the founding generation, but it has gotten worse.

The “news” has a tendency to label any who resist the above as part of a ‘criminal element,” much like the Nazis did to cement their power.  Remember history well: The Nazis did that WITH THE WILLING ACQUIESCENCE OF THE MAJORITY OF GERMANY’S PEOPLE.  A people who either went along or were actually glad all those “troublemakers” were being gotten out of the way.

Money has become power.  Power has won.  It will remain winning until you the American public become knowledgeable, until you drop your illusions and--until you correct the catastrophic course you and your society are on--most of your diversions most of the time.   Only then can you coalesce into a movement, and movements are what can bring change.

The world is waiting on you.  The world has progressed.  You have stagnated or gone backward.  You still have a little time to set the world to right without experiencing deeply painful catastrophic failure first.  But the sand is deep in the hourglass.

Wednesday, July 25, 2012

Fully Alive Illusions

Professor J,

As we approach the end of this discussion, I'm slightly amused that it has taken us very nearly a year to work our way through it. Of course with my need to connect information and opinion presented in  Empire of Illusion to current events, and your penchant for thorough analysis and putting things in historical context, the reader cannot be surprised.  We haven't been able to keep it short; hopefully we have been able to keep it interesting, do the work justice, and encourage our readers to think more deeply about the hard things.

This is not a book for the faint of heart as we said when we started. Likewise Hedges' other books, interviews, and  speeches reveal uncomfortable truths and force us to ask difficult questions not only of those in authority and seats of power, but of ourselves. Questions like: Is this the best we can do? Is this who we are? Do we really think so little of freedom as to sit idly by, lulled by distractions and entertained while we slip over the edge of a cliff without so much as a whimper of protest?

We'd like to think not but the pull of the illusion created for us is strong.


While home schooling my kids I had a frequent mantra which often followed discussions of those throughout history who brought about change, stood against evil, and took action when their consciences wouldn't let them do otherwise:

Never give up your right to think for yourself to anyone else. Not to a political leader, a religious leader, or anyone  who wants to exert control over you.  The moment you do, you are a slave.

Not a lesson taught in most schools or churches, and certainly not advocated in political speeches. People thinking for themselves--what a dangerous concept. It's bad enough when individuals or groups acquiesce free thinking, when an entire culture does it, it's tragic on a historic level. And we don't have to imagine how badly it can go; we've seen it. We've seen it over and over again. Of course one must know a bit of history to realize it...


"Individualism is touted as the core value of American culture, and yet most of us meekly submit, as we are supposed to, to the tyranny of the corporate state." (p. 182)

 In schools, aside from not teaching them history and critical or divergent thinking, we have allowed educators and the medical community to drug students, particularly males, into passivity thus wasting those prime years when young adults have historically questioned authority, demanded change, and in general caused all kinds of trouble for the establishment. I wonder what the full cost (as you like to say) of that is going to turn out to be. 

 Yesterday at coffee we pondered  the meaning of the phrase "fully alive" used by St. Irenaeus. We spent some time imagining what a person living that way might look like and how close any of us were to it. Would we say our lives are being lived with passion, concern for others, and contentment? Would we say we've found (as Sir Ken Robinson would say) our "element?" How were we doing at stepping away from blatant consumerism and living a life of peace and service? Had any of us found that one thing we were passionate about? How was our moral courage? While I'm writing this and thinking on the things Hedges points out in his work, I'm wondering what a society, or on a smaller scale, a community that is "fully alive" might look like. I'm comparing that ideal I envision with what Hedges describes in this book.


Comparing it for instance to lurid wrestling matches, tawdry talk shows, brutal porn, objectified women and girls, a celebrity culture that treats human beings as commodities, the "moral nihilism embraced by elite universities," a gospel of prosperity, a "defense industry" and "permanent war economy," and a press that can no longer risk telling the truth to an electorate who would probably change the channel anyway.


Fully alive? It's a wonder we are still getting the faint gasps of air that we are...


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